Showing posts with label Republican. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Republican. Show all posts

Friday, September 27, 2013

Political Animals . . . Or, A House Divided

US Capitol
I've been spending some time recently grappling over the apparently schismatic divide in the Congress.  Bipartisanship seems dead and compromise has become the shibboleth of Tea Party and ultra-conservatives desperate to dismantle the Obama Administration.  It feels like a crisis, and in some ways it is.  But in others, it's just another example of how a party out of power curtails the power of the party currently holding the reigns of state. 

When the Republicans lost the White House and much of Congress in 1933, it inaugurated a 20-year rule by the Democrats which Republicans ardently resisted.  Senators like Robert Taft from Ohio made their bones challenging the New Deal.  In many ways, they were right to do so.  The New Deal introduced a level of government intrusion which was genuinely novel.  It was a break from American politics which still resonates.

FDR
Opposition to FDR dragged Republicans into positions which today seem ridiculous--even stupid.  Watching from our side of the Atlantic, Republicans opposed American involvement in the European war then burgeoning.  Germany had recently grown belligerent, and the rise of fascists states signaled an ideological shift away from the centuries long liberal, humanist project Western Europe had been undertaking.  To many observers, the real danger lay to the West as Japan invaded Manchuria and introduced levels of barbarity unknown to the modern world.  Famously, Taft warned that Germany would never be a threat.  Whether or not FDR understood the true danger of Nazi aggression is still debatable; regardless, he dragged the nation into war with a persistence that would bewilder people like John McCain today.

Senator Ted Harkin
So these sorts of schism aren't particular uncommon.  But when reports emerge from Washington that this level of tension hasn't been seen since the Civil War, it inspires wariness.  Senator Tom Harkin, an Iowa Democrat announced that the dynamic in Congress today is "very dangerous" and reminds him of "the breakup of the Union before the Civil War."

From the National Journal 

On the Senate floor before 10 a.m. Friday, the senator gave a speech describing how American politics have reached the level at which “a small group of willful men and women who have a certain ideology”—read: the tea party and Sen. Ted Cruz, R-Texas—have been able to take over the congressional budget debate in the last week. “Since they can’t get their way,” Harkin said, “they’re going to create this confusion and discourse and hope that the public will be so mixed up in who is to blame for this, that they’ll blame both sides.” [...]

This isn’t the first time the senator has spoken out about the spiraling budget and the fight over Obamacare. Harkin suggested Thursday that Cruz looked “foolish” for his “little tirade” that lasted from Tuesday afternoon until Wednesday morning. Harkin called out Cruz as being part of “the most extreme tea-party wing” of his party, and for his “ideology-driven obstructionism.”
Maybe this is just another bit of hyperbole, but it's struck me in the last few weeks that the dynamic of who votes blue versus who votes red has dramatically shifted in the United States.  And those shifts are largely along geographic lines.  Not so much North/South or even East/West but rather urban/rural.

Population Density
The population shift from farms to cities isn't a new observation.  According to the World Health Organization more people live in cities than on farms, and the trend is likely to continue, with 60% of the world living in cities by 2030.  The numbers in the United States are even higher, with 80% of the population in metropolitan areas.  With most reports on demographic growth in the United States focusing on the low population rate, relative high rate of immigration, and shifts in ethnic composition, they generally fail to analyze the shift in American populations from rural populations to concentrated urban populations.

This has dangerous implications in politics since is presupposes that regardless of where you live, Republicans and Democrats should appeal to the population in roughly equal proportions.  That is, half of a city's population should be democrat, and the other half republican.  The same is true in farm communities and so-called frontier communities in Alaska.  This simply isn't the case.

Voting breakdown by county
The University of Michigan has produced a stunning representation of voting patterns in the United States since the election of 2012.  The maps, the article makes clear, slightly misrepresent the actual dynamic of voting patterns, but the data makes one thing clear: high population density areas tend to vote blue.  I suspect the Republican screed against government interference and personal autonomy appeals to rural voters, who are either ignorant of the interconnectedness of a global economy, or who are able to ignore that interconnectedness by repeating a Golden Myth of personal triumph.

And the divide is likely to increase.  With more people turning to cities, the power of the Democratic Party will grow.  Democratic politics is simply more equipped to respond to urban problems.  Appeals to urban populations will find more and more power concentrated in the Democrats until the GOP itself becomes a shibboleth--obsolete and foundering for voters.  The Tea Party is the first indication that the GOP recognizes its obsolescence.  When any group starts looking backward instead of forward, it will flounder and die.

Young Republicans
The only way to regain Republican strength is to find means of appealing to urban voters who recognize the necessity of some government intrusion in their lives.  Young democrats are educated and innovative.  Young republicans ought to be the same, and find means of addressing the needs of the growing segments of the population occupying an urban landscape.  

Friday, August 9, 2013

Undaunted Fraud . . . Or, What Is History? Pt. I

History fascinates me.  It makes sense then that I'd get a degree in it, and want to pursue a masters, Ph.D and eventually teach it.  That last part is what fascinates me the most.  The modern historian's job is to teach, and they do their job both in the classroom and by constantly reporting the sum of their findings -- either in the form of books, or in peer-reviewed articles.  The telling of story in which the whole truth can never be known, presents inherent challenges.  The first is in answering the question What Is History?

A lay interpretation is something like "the sum of all things which occurred in the past."  But during the twentieth century historians (and just about everyone else) realized that as important as the events are the ways in which they are perceived.  This means that for every event that occurs today, there are millions of equally valid perspectives; history then becomes distilling them into a narrative that approximates truth.  A daunting prospect.  

I've spent the last two months or so reading just about everything ever written on and by Dwight Eisenhower.  I'm working for Dr. Christopher McKnight Nichols write his next book which chronicles the shift in Republican conservatism in the 1952 election of Dwight Eisenhower. 

What makes this project particularly compelling is the breadth of knowledge already compiled about Eisenhower.  His early life is far from fully documented, but from the moment he entered West Point in 1911 his life became documented in performance evaluations, journal articles, efficiency reports, public speeches, private correspondences, government reports, State Department communiques, Congressional Records, magazine and newspaper articles, drafts, memos, and his own letters and diaries. 

The extent of documents is daunting.  Much of it remains locked away in the vaults of the Eisenhower museum, or the Library of Congress, or scattered throughout the United States -- indeed, the world.  But so much more is published that researching from my cubicle in the library is made that much easier.

His first biography was published in 1945, Soldier of Democracy by Kenneth David, and paints the picture of a glorious war hero.  Invested heavily with overtures to greatness, it reads as though David Dwight Eisenhower (the names were reversed later to avoid confusion with his father, also David) had been born in the midst of thunder and lightening and three wizened crones had haggled over his future.  It's well written, but nonetheless is a homogenized "great man" history that paints the victory in Europe as all but inevitable. 

Later biographies follow that model.  Man from Abilene by Kevin McCann is a 1952 biopic published in the midst of his successful bid for the White House.  It's contribution lies in the presentation of Eisenhower's childhood before At Ease, Eisenhower's own reminiscences, was published.  But the adoration remains.  It would remain, in fact, until after Ike's presidency when arm-chair policymakers had begun criticizing and dismantling his two-term run. 

Kay Summersby
In 1948, Kay Summersby published her kiss-and-tell, Eisenhower Was My Boss which didn't so much tell as it intimated that the long and oft-repeated rumors about Ike's wartime lover were true.  After Ike died, Summersby published a follow-up which no longer hinted: it told outright.  The 1976 book was explicit in its title: Past Forgetting: My Love Affair With Dwight D. Eisenhower.  His wife, Mamie, responded by publishing the love letter Ike sent her during the war but it quickly became evident that perhaps the general doth protest too much.

The facade had slipped, and as public perceptions about Ike shifted in the years following his death, historians and pundits began chipping away at his accomplishments.  His presidency became the lens through which his life was viewed, and as nay-sayers began charging him with absenteeism in the White House, they began to suspect that he'd been an absentee general.  Living a life of luxury in England, gallivanting with Kay and his harem of WACs, the picture gradually being painted was a lurid depiction of a man given supreme command not because of his ability to form coalitions, but as a sop to Americans who needed a friendly face to promote the war effort.  Montgomery, Bradley, Patton, Alexander, Spaatz, just about every general other than Ike became responsible for winning the war. 

Ike with SecState John Foster Dulles in 1956
That sort of revisionism is a necessary response to the gushing praise of earlier generations, and it helps inform the contributions of others in that great enterprise.  Defenders of Ike had to answer these charges, and they helped create a picture of the President that was both more subtle and more involved than previous historians suspected.  A master manipulator, he guided U.S. policy through his deft use of his secretary of state, the vice-president, and the CIA.  With his intimate understanding of military procurement and insight into the ways the Army (still) pads its budget, he was able to steer the United States toward disarmament while maintaining national security.  He despaired of a time when a President would arrive who didn't have his knowledge of how the Army worked, understanding that it would ride roughshod over its civilian masters.

But then came Stephen Ambrose.  His two volume biography on Eisenhower remains the most popular depiction of the general and president.  The problem?  Much of it is made up.

Join me on Monday as I discuss Ambrose, making stuff up, and conclude just what history is.